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Nasser of
Egypt
Deeds and Legacy of an Arab
Leader
Donald Neff
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Donald Neff is the author of
several books on US-Middle East
relations, including the 1995 study,
Fallen Pillars: U.S. Polecy Toward
Palestine and Israel Since 1945,
and his 1988 Warriors trilogy. This
article is reprinted from the July 1996
issue of The Washington Report on
Middle East Affairs (P.O. Box
53062, Washington, DC 20009).
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On July 23, 1952, the corrupt King Farouk of
V Egypt, an Albanian on his paternal side, was
overthrown by a group of young military men
calling themselves the Free Officers. The next
day, one of the officers, Anwar Sadat, informed
the nation by radio that for the first time in
two thousand years Egypt was under the rule of
Egyptians. Sadat spoke in the name of General
Mohammed Neguib, the revolution's titular head.
In fact, the real leader was Gamal Abdel Nasser.
He was 34 at the time and would rule Egypt for
the next 18 turbulent years. Because of his
youth, Nasser hid his power behind the older
Neguib for the first two years of the new
regime. It was not until 1954 that he officially
became prime minister, and not until June 23,
1956, that he assumed the presidency. Note1
The coming to power in Egypt of the energetic
young warrior sent shockwaves through Britain,
France and Israel. Leaders in all three
countries feared him as a galvanizing ruler who
had the potential to unify the shattered Arab
world at the expense of the West and Israel. As
Israel's David Ben-Gurion put it: "I always
feared that a personality might rise such as
arose among the Arab rulers in the seventh
century or like [Kemal Ataturk] who rose
in Turkey after its defeat in the First World
War. He raised their spirits, changed their
character, and turned them into a fighting
nation. There was and still is a danger that
Nasser is this man." Note 2
Britain and France held similar concerns. The
rise of a strong Arab leader could not have come
at a worse time for both nations. Drained by
World War II, they were both in the process of
losing their vast colonial empires. Both
countries had already lost their mandates in the
Middle East and both were desperately trying to
maintain their influence in North Africa.
Nasser, above all else, wanted Egypt rid of
British troops stationed along the Suez Canal,
London's passage to India. In 1954, Britain
finally gave in to Nasser's demand and agreed to
withdraw its 80,000 British troops since,
indeed, there no longer existed any reason for
their presence. India was now independent and
the canal had loot its strategic importance to
Britain. Note 3 The troops had
been there since 1882, and their departure, the
last foreign troops on Egyptian soil, was an
enormous boost to Nasser's prestige. The
historic agreement meant, in British diplomat
Anthony Nutting's words: "For the first time in
two and a half thousand years the Egyptian
people would know what it was to be independent,
and not to be ruled or occupied or told what to
do by some foreign power." Note
4
Israel, however, was greatly distressed by
the agreement. The presence of British troops
along the canal acted as a buffer against any
rash action by Egypt, Israel's strongest Arab
neighbor. Israel was so disturbed by the
withdrawal that it had acted directly to ruin
the talks by sending a sabotage team to Egypt to
attack British and US facilities. However, the
covert effort backfired when Egyptian
counterintelligence agents captured the spy
ring, and the embarrassing mission known as the
Lavon Affair became public. Note
5
The Anglo-Egyptian Suez agreement, signed in
Cairo on October 19, 1954, was widely regarded
as a strategic defeat for Britain. Two weeks
later, on November 1, Algerian Arabs, their
morale boosted by Nasser's success, began their
revolt against French colonial rule, which dated
back to 1830. One of the many results of the
insurrection was to convince France and Britain
that Egypt, and specifically Nasser, was aiding
the Algerians, and therefore was a dangerous
common enemy of the West. Note
6 France had long seen Israel as a natural
ally against the Arabs, and indeed was Israel's
major friend at the time. The close friendship
included France secretly sending weapons to the
Jewish state in violation of the arms embargo
agreed to by Western nations, including the
United States. Note 7
Thus was born the fiasco that has
ignominiously gone down in history as the Suez
Crisis of 1956. Little remembered in the United
States, it was a watershed event in the Middle
East. It involved one of the most cynical
schemes ever hatched by Britain, France and
Israel - and one of the highest points of
American diplomacy. It also made Nasser the moat
idolized Arab leader of his time.
The crisis began when the leaders of Britain,
France and Israel decided to collude secretly to
get rid of Nasser. Just how to do that was never
really clear. But, somehow, they wistfully hoped
that by sending vast navies and armies against
Egypt they would cause Nasser to be overthrown
or to resign in humiliation. The plan was to
pretend Israel had been hit by an Egyptian raid,
and in retaliation its army would race across
the Sinai Peninsula and occupy the east bank of
the Suez Canal. In response, Britain and France
would pretend to intervene to stop a new
Egyptian-Israeli war. All the while, of course,
their warships and troops would actually be
attacking Egypt. It was a preposterously
transparent and shameless ploy but the three
nations acted an it nonetheless.
In its broader context, the Suez Crisis was a
concerted attack by Europe and Israel against
Islam. A massive armada of French and British
war-ships gathered off Egypt in late summer 1956
as the colluders went ahead amid growing
international concern. No one was more concerned
than President Dwight D. Eisenhower. The
colluders had failed to take him into their
scheme, presumably in the mistaken belief that
since they were all US friends, the United
States would not oppose their ill-conceived
machinations.
In this they were fatally mistaken. Although
facing presidential elections in November,
Eisenhower publicly and privately opposed the
three countries. Using every power short of
military force at his command, Eisenhower
compelled them to stop their naval bombardment
and invasion of Egypt, and to withdraw without
gaining any profit from their misadventure. Not
only did Nasser not fall, but his prestige
soared in the Arab world as the leader who had
faced down the West and Israel.
Failure of the Suez plot had disastrous
consequences for the colluders. The attack by
Britain and France on Egypt drained moral
authority from those two countries and spelled
the end of their empires. Iraq, Britain's last
major ally in the region, fell to Arab
nationalists in 1958. And France finally lost
Algeria in 1962. After Suez, the United States
became the major Western power in the Middle
East - not a position President Eisenhower had
sought. As he noted in his memoirs, before the
Suez war ... We felt that the British should
continue to carry a major responsibility for its
[Middle East] stability and security The
British were intimately familiar with the
history, traditions and peoples of the Middle
East; we, on the other hand, were heavily
involved in Korea, Formosa, Vietnam, Iran, and
in this hemisphere." Note 8
Not only did Britain and France lose their
position in the region, but their rash actions
helped the Soviet Union cement its presence in
such countries as Egypt, Iraq and Syria. Moscow
was able to strut as the defender of the Arabs
against the perfidious West, earning Russia
considerable popular support in the Arab
world.
Israel's leaders pronounced themselves
satisfied with the gains achieved. It had
secured US support for free maritime passage
through the Strait of Tiran, connecting the Red
Sea with the Gulf of Aqaba and the Israeli port
of Eilat, and the stationing of [United
Nations] UNEF troops at Gaza, where they
prevented fedayeen [guerilla]
raids into Israel. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion
thought he had profited by humiliating Nasser
and by raising domestic morale and intensifying
a sense of national identity among Israel's
diverse Jewish population. However, on closer
examination Israel had sowed the whirlwind with
its aggressive actions. The government of Gamal
Abdel Nasser had initially shown little interest
in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Its main interests
were narrowly focused on its own demanding
domestic problems. But after Israel's aggressive
actions, which started well before the Suez
outrage, Egypt diverted its resources to a major
buildup of its armed farces.
The war also released aggressive forces
within Israel that fed on dreams of conquest and
expansion. These dreams would be realized eleven
years later when Israel launched another
surprise attack against both Egypt and Syria,
drawing in Jordan, which was bound to both Arab
countries by military treaty. That aggression,
in turn, made Israel a pariah state in the world
community because of its continued occupation of
Arab land, and made inevitable the 1973 war,
which cost Israel unrelieved suffering and shook
the country's self confidence to the core. By
then Nasser was gone. He had died of a heart
attack on September 28, 1970, at the age of
52.
Although widely reviled by Israel and its
supporters, Nasser, the son of a postal clerk,
had been a great Arab leader. While he was a
compulsive conspirator, suspicious of others and
thin-skinned to criticism, he was also
charismatic, a natural leader and eventually the
most beloved and admired Arab of his time.
Nasser was described by his friend and
chronicler, Mohamed Heikal, as "always a rebel
[who] remained a conservative in his
personal life ... He was never interested in
women or money or elaborate food. After he came
to power the cynical old politicians tried to
corrupt him but they failed miserably. His
family life was impeccable ... The world itself
had found in him one of its most controversial
statesmen and the Arabs had chosen him as the
symbol of their lost dignity and their
unfulfilled hopes." Note
12
In the judgment of diplomat Anthony Nutting,
who knew Nasser and wrote a biography of him:
`For all his faults, Nasser helped to give Egypt
and the Arabs that sense of dignity which for
him was the hallmark of independent nationhood
... Egypt and the whole Arab world would have
been the poorer, in spirit as well as material
progress, without the dynamic inspiration of his
leadership." Note 13
Notes
1. Anthony Nutting,
Nasser (London: Constable, 1972), p. 37;
Richard F. Nyrop, et al., eds., Area Handbook
for Egypt (Washington, DC: US Govt. Printing
Office, 3rd ed., 1976), p. 36.
The best biographies of Nasser remain those
of Nutting and Stephens: Anthony Nutting,
Nasser (London: Constable, 1972), and,
Robert Stephens, Nasser A Political
Biography (London: Allen Lane/Penguin Press,
1971).
2. Kennett Lave, Suez:
The Twice-Fought War (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1969), p. 676.
3. Anthony Nutting,
Nasser (London: Constable, 1972), pp.
69-72; Donald Neff, Warriors at Suez:
Eisenhower takes America into the Middle
East (New York: Linden Press/Simon &
Schuster, 1981), pp. 17-18, 59.
4. A. Nutting, Nasser
(London: 1972), p. 71.
5. D. Neff; Warriors at
Suez: Eisenhower takes America into the
Middle East (New York: 1981), pp. 56-58.
6. D. Neff; Warriors at
Suez (New York: 1981), p. 161. The bitter
war lasted until July 1, 1962, when Algerians
voted to establish an independent Arab nation.
The fighting took the lives of 17,456 French,
and upward of a million Arabs. See: Alistair
Horne, A Savage War of Peace: Algeria
1954-1962 (New York: Viking, 1977), p.
538.
7. D. Neff; Warriors at
Suez (1981), pp. 235, 238.
8. Dwight D. Eisenhower,
Waging Peace: 1956-61 (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday & Co., 1965), pp. 22-23.
9. Cheryl A. Rubenberg, Israel and the
American National Interest: A Critical
Examination (Chicago: Univ. of Illinois
Press, 1986), p. 84.
10. D. Neff, Warriors at Suez (1981),
p. 439.
11. K. Love, Suez: The Twice-Fought
War (New York: 1969), pp. 13-14.
12. Mohamed Heikal, The
Cairo Documents (New York: Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubleday, 1973), pp. 1, 20.
13. A. Nutting, Nasser
(1972), p. 481.
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'No One' Believes the 'Six
Million'
In spite of endless repetition,
millions of people around the world
have never believed the figure of Six
Million Jewish wartime victims. In a
1964 interview, Egyptian President
Gamal Abdel Nasser said that "No one,
not even the simplest man in our
country, takes seriously the lie about
six million murdered Jews."
(Source: Interview with the
Deutsche (Soldaten und-)
National-Zeitung [Munich],
May 1, 1964, p. 3. Also, quoted in part
in: Robert S. Wistrich, Hitler's
Apocalypse [New York: St.
Martin's Press, 1986], p. 188.)
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